Explainer: Sri Lanka’s key political risks after parliamentary elections

By Shihar Aneez

Wednesday November 13, 2024 12:55 pm

 

ECONOMYNEXT – Sri Lanka’s President Anura Dissanayake faces a range of key political risks and challenges, particularly given his position as the leader of the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP), a historically leftist alliance.

The NPP is tipped to win the November 14 parliamentary polls, but it is uncertain what number of seats it will gain in the 225-member legislature.

Dissanayake’s JVP has been involved in two insurrections in the past, while his broader NPP coalition is accused by rivals of having no experience in handling critical issues as a ruling party in the government.

Here is a detailed overview of the major political risks and policy dilemmas for Dissanayake’s government after forming an extended NPP government beyond the current three-member cabinet:

1. Economic Instability and IMF Engagement:

Sri Lanka’s economy remains fragile, and Dissanayake’s administration has to continue managing the terms of the International Monetary Fund bailout package initiated by the previous center-right government. While the NPP pledged to renegotiate certain terms, balancing economic reforms with domestic economic protectionism and socialist policies may prove contentious​. So far, Dissanayake’s 50-day “transition” government has maintained the status quo on the IMF deal, contrary to NPP’s hard stance to renegotiate and change the debt sustainability analysis (DSA). The DSA is a strategy Sri Lanka agreed with the global lender to achieve sustainable debt repayment and come out of its 2022 sovereign debt default.

Factors to watch:

  • Changes in the new government’s tax policies
  • New government’s revenue proposals
  • Delay in the third IMF review and 4th tranche disbursement
  • Delay in receiving some World Bank, ADB funds due to delay in IMF deal

2. Debt Management and Public Finances:

The country’s external debt restructuring is ongoing, with a precarious fiscal position requiring careful navigation. The NPP is compelled to maintain creditor confidence while addressing domestic demands for economic justice, including attempts to recover assets from foreign countries linked to corruption, which is likely to take years contrary to people’s expectations.

Factors to watch:

  • Debt restructuring deal with sovereign bond holders
  • Court ruling on a case filed by Hamilton Reserve Bank against default
  • Impact in debt restructuring due to delay in IMF disbursements
  • Impacts on local banking/financial sector due to debt restructuring

​

3. Social Inequality and Populist Promises:

Dissanayake campaigned on anti-corruption and systemic change, reflecting dissatisfaction with political elites. Delivering on these promises, especially in the context of past protests by his party-linked trade unions and public expectations, will be challenging without jeopardizing the country’s fragile economic stability. ​Most voters elected Dissanayake for his promise to address corruption. Analysts, however, say that change needs a holistic approach and not just arresting and punishing political leaders who are accused of corruption and impunity.

Factors to watch:

  • Ensuring justice in some key past court cases dragged for years, including Easter Sunday attack, Central Bank bond scam, and misuse of public funds
  • Impacts on new government’s popularity due to possible delays in some court cases
  • Protests by rival parties as NPP did when it was in the opposition
  • New measures to prevent corruption in future

4. Geopolitical Balancing Act:

The NPP’s ideological roots include a traditionally adversarial stance toward India and an inclination toward China and Russia. Dissanayake has sought to moderate these positions for pragmatic diplomacy, but skepticism remains around potential reversals on sensitive projects, such as those involving Indian and Chinese investments​. Before his election, his party promised to abolish a key Indian renewable power project in Northern Sri Lanka. However, Dissanayake’s party has backpaddled and said it will review India’s Adani project and renegotiate in January. So far Dissanayake has not strongly antagonized the New Delhi government. However, most party cadres of JVP led by Dissanayake have strong anti-India sentiments. They have been critical against Indian projects including Trincomalee Oil Tank farm project in the past. In addition to India and China, Dissanayake also has to manage better relations with the US, Russia, Japan, and EU nations. These relationships are crucial for Sri Lanka to come out of the current economic crisis and sovereign debt default.

Factors to watch:

  • Satisfying Indian demands including Adani, connectivity projects
  • Dealing with China and Russia
  • Dealing with the West including the US for investments, grants
  • Neutralizing some deals with foreign nations that are adverse to Sri Lanka

5. Inexperience and Legislative Control:

As the NPP has not previously governed, the lack of administrative experience poses a challenge. Furthermore, Dissanayake’s ability to enact reforms will be complicated if he fails to secure a stable parliamentary majority in the November 14 polls. Some of his appointments have already angered bureaucrats who say the new government has gone against the NPP’s promise of appointment based on meritocracy. It also does not have enough clean and corruption-free experts to negotiate international deals like IMF loan, debt restructuring, and energy deals. Such lack of expertise could make Dissanayake’s future government vulnerable to agree on less than what Sri Lanka should get in key international deals, analysts say.

Factors to watch:

  • Negotiations with IMF, commercial debtors, China, and India
  • Backing by Bureaucrats in future
  • Key appointments to Ministries and key state-owned enterprises
  • Reducing government expenditure without privatization

6. Public and Private Sector Expectations:

Dissanayake’s campaign included efforts to engage both grassroots and business interests, including support for domestic industry. However, maintaining this balancing act while satisfying private-sector concerns about market interventions will be demanding.

Factors to watch:

  • Tax reduction, new taxes on the public, private firms
  • Policies to boost small and medium enterprises (SMEs)
  • ​Policies on state sector recruitment
  • Investment policies

7. Political Reforms and Governance Structures: Dissanayake aims to abolish Sri Lanka’s controversial executive presidency, but constitutional amendments require broad support. Achieving consensus across a diverse and divided political landscape could be difficult​.

Factors to watch:

  • Strength of the parliament majority
  • Support he gets from other parties in the parliament
  • Possible conflict between NPP and hardcore JVP members
  • Relationship with former leaders who are still influential

(Colombo/November 13/2024)

https://economynext.com/explainer-sri-lankas-key-political-risks-after-parliamentary-elections-187149/

https://economynext.com/explainer-sri-lankas-key-political-risks-after-parliamentary-elections-187149/

Published on: October 22, 2024

Prepare a New Proposal to rationalize the Provincial Council System

Provincial Councils Should Act to Improve the Living Conditions of the People

– Says the President at the Governors Meeting

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake instructed the Governors to prepare and submit a new proposal aimed at rationalizing the Provincial Council mechanism.

The President also stated that, given the current government’s transitional period, the provincial councils must strive to deliver the best possible services to improve the living conditions of the people.

President Dissanayake made these remarks during a discussion held with the Governors this morning (22) at the Presidential Secretariat.

He urged the governors to engage in all possible economic and social initiatives to improve the living conditions of the public.

During the meeting, the President also highlighted the importance of establishing a new political culture and reiterated that the trust placed in him by the people should be fulfilled through effective action.

He reminded the Governors to avoid previous poor practices in the use of state assets and to remain committed to delivering quality public service.

Attention was drawn to existing vacancies in the health and education sectors under the Provincial Councils, with decisions made to find viable solutions.

The meeting included discussions on the lands in the Northern and Eastern provinces as well as finance.

Additionally, the President also made inquiries about the allocation of land to farmers in Kantale.

Participating Governors included Nagalingam Vedanayagam from the Northern Province, Champa Janaki Rajaratne from the Sabaragamuwa Province, Professor Jayantha Lal Ratnasekera from the Eastern Province, Kapila Jayasekera from the Uva Province, Bandula Harischandra from the Southern Province, Prof. Sarath Abeykoon from the Central Province, and Wasantha Kumara Wimalasiri from the North Central Province.

https://pmd.gov.lk/news/prepare-a-new-proposal-to-rationalize-the-provincial-council-system/

 

How important was India’s help to Sri Lanka in 2022?

The IMF program is to give Sri Lanka $ 3 billion over four years with conditions. India gave $ 4 billion in one year to Sri Lanka with no conditions. Also, the timing is important to note. The IMF program came in 2023 when Sri Lanka had stabilised to a large extent under President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Also, most of the toughest policies that were needed for Sri Lanka to achieve macroeconomic stability were already put in place by the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe when the IMF program was approved. But India came to Sri Lanka’s aid when Sri Lanka was staring at the abyss with a Government that was behaving very irrationally in January 2022 with the country facing macroeconomic instability. This point should not be forgotten by the Sri Lankan public

The Maldives is close to an economic crisis similar to which unfolded in Sri Lanka in 2022. The government of Muizzu came to power with an “India Out” campaign. But today, as was the case for Sri Lanka in 2022, when Maldives is in deep economic trouble and is close to defaulting, it is India that has come to its aid. India could have very well looked the other way but it didn’t. This should be a clear message for South Asian nations that they can have many best friends but India will remain the brother who will come to their help when things go bad.

The timing of India’s assistance in 2022

What most people in Sri Lanka do not realise is that India started rolling out its financial assistance totalling $ 4 billion (over the year) in January 2022 itself. Most of India’s $ 4 billion in 2022 came when President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was the President. In January 2022, the situation for Sri Lanka was dark. Sri Lanka needed to pay $ 6.9 billion by the end of 2022 and it only had $ 1.6 billion in reserves. Sri Lanka was shut out of international capital markets. It was staring at a default and the Government at that time was refusing to go to the IMF. Many other countries would have refrained from sending money to Sri Lanka in January 2022 as there was a strong possibility that that money would not be paid back any time soon. But still India went ahead and helped Sri Lanka.

IMF support vs. Indian support

The IMF program is to give Sri Lanka $ 3 billion over four years with conditions. India gave $ 4 billion in one year to Sri Lanka with no conditions. Also, the timing is important to note. The IMF program came in 2023 when Sri Lanka had stabilised to a large extent under President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Also, most of the toughest policies that were needed for Sri Lanka to achieve macroeconomic stability were already put in place by the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe when the IMF program was approved. But India came to Sri Lanka’s aid when Sri Lanka was staring at the abyss with a Government that was behaving very irrationally in January 2022 with the country facing macroeconomic instability. This point should not be forgotten by the Sri Lankan public. 

Support given by India in getting IMF assistance

An IMF program is essential for Sri Lanka as the IMF is not about the $3 billion it gives but the verification it brings. The IMF is like an auditor which brings trust to the nation back. World Bank and ADB funding is linked to the IMF and so are debt restructuring with many creditors. India was instrumental in making it easier for Sri Lanka to enter the IMF program. As a former minister was saying that the IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva had told him, that when the Indian Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman had met the IMF chief, the Indian Finance Minister had spent over 75% of her time speaking for Sri Lanka and only 25% of her time speaking about India. This shows the care and effort India placed in pushing the IMF to support Sri Lanka. India was also the first country to give financing assurance to the IMF for Sri Lanka and was one of the three key members of the Official creditor Committee along with France and Japan.

Indian Prime Minister’s help for Sri Lanka

A fact that is not mentioned much is the decision of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in helping Sri Lanka. In January 2022, the Indian Prime Minister was two years away from reelection and in India there are many state elections in any given year in which his party, the BJP contests. Providing $ 4 billion to Sri Lanka is a large amount. PM Modi could have very well directed it towards domestic projects. For example, one of PM Modi’s flagship projects under his Production linked incentive scheme (PLI) was where the Indian government gave $ 2 billion worth of subsidies to Micron Technology to produce semiconductors in Gujarat which was to create 5,000 direct jobs and 15,000 indirect jobs. 

PM Modi could have easily been tempted to initiate two more projects like Micron in India which could have increased his votes rather than help Sri Lanka with $ 4 billion (which is twice the amount the Indian government directed towards Micron). Putting the well being of Sri Lankans even above domestic interests by the Indian government should not be forgotten by Sri Lankans. 

How significant is $ 4 billion for India?

Lastly, what many Sri Lankans need to realise is that $ 4 billion is much more significant for India than for the other bilateral creditors like Japan or even China. India is a lower middle income country and GDP per capita terms, Sri Lanka is still richer than India. In an imaginary situation, let’s say China (as it’s the largest bilateral creditor) and India both provided $ 4 billion in assistance for argument’s sake. China’s economy is almost five times larger than India’s so India’s assistance of $ 4 billion as a proportion of its economic size would be five times more valuable than $ 4 billion from China. 

Conclusion

India’s help was significant at a crucial time as Sri Lanka was going through a nightmarish situation in 2022. It is a good time for Sri Lankans to reflect on this crucial bilateral relationship with our neighbour to the north. The way forward does not have to be based on gratitude alone but more on opportunity. India is the fastest growing large economy in the world and soon set to be the third largest economy in the world. India’s middle class alone is set to hit 500 million which is an opportunity for Sri Lankan businesses. Sri Lanka is a country that is known to not miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. The next big opportunity for Sri Lanka is to our north and hope we do not miss this. 

(The writer is an Economist and he is an economic policy consultant at the Asian Development Bank. He is a regular columnist for the International Monetary Fund. The opinions expressed in this article are strictly the author’s 

personal views.)

https://www.ft.lk/opinion/How-important-was-India-s-help-to-Sri-Lanka-in-2022/14-768162

 

Back on table: $5 bil­lion road, rail link between India and Sri Lanka

Discussions are in the final stages for a $5 billion road-and-rail link between India and Sri Lanka with India set to bear the cost of the stra­tegic project, said the island-nation’s environment secretary Prabath Chandrakeerthi.

This is the first big bilat­eral infra­struc­ture project announced by the island nation since the recent election of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake amid efforts by New Delhi to counter Chinese influence.

India is Sri Lanka’s largest trade partner and one of the largest foreign direct investment (FDI) contributors. Indian invest­ment in Sri Lanka amounted to about $142 mil­lion in 2021.

“Last month I participated in one meeting with India in New Delhi, and we are going to establish the highway and railway line connectivity between Rameswaram in India and Trincomalee in Sri Lanka,” B. K. Prabath Chandrakeerthi told Mint. “This is being planned as businessmen in both countries have to pay more and with the road and rail connectivity, both parties can get help because it will help in trade with European and other countries. Indian businessmen can also get some benefits from Sri Lanka as well,” Chandrakeerthi added.

“Last month I participated in one meet­ing with India in New Delhi, and we are going to estab­lish the high­way and railway line connectivity between Rameswaram in India and Trincomalee in Sri Lanka,” B. K. Prabath Chandrakeerthi told Mint. “This is being planned as busi­ness­men in both countries have to pay more and with the road and rail connectivity, both parties can get help because it will help in trade with European and other coun­tries. Indian busi­ness­men can also get some benefits from Sri Lanka as well,” Chandrakeerthi added.

The Sri Lankan government proposed a land bridge between Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu of India and Talaimannar, a village in Mannar Island of Sri Lanka in 2002 and signed an agreement on it.

As per the agree­ment, road and rail bridge links were to be developed, offer­ing eco­nomic benefits to both sides of the Palk Strait. However, after the agreement was signed, the Tamil Nadu government opposed the construction of the land bridge.

As per the agreement, road and rail bridge links were to be developed, offer­ing eco­nomic bene­fits to both sides of the Palk Strait. However, after the agreement was signed, the Tamil Nadu government opposed the construction of the land bridge.

The talks resumed in 2015 when Indian asked the Asian Devel­op­ment Bank to carry out pre-feasibility study for fin­an­cing a road and rail link between

India’s Rameswaram and Sri Lanka’s Talaimannar. But it has been decided to build the rail and road link up to Trincomalee, the offi­cial informed.

There is no land connection between Sri Lanka and India through road or railway. The closest Indian town to Sri Lanka, Dhanushkodi, had a rail­way sta­tion but this was washed out in a cyc­lone in 1964. A short boat ride till 1966 connected the rail­way sta­tions at Talaimannar in Sri Lanka and Dhanushkodi in India.

“The cost of the project is still not final­ized. We have to have more dis­cus­sion about that, but I think it is estim­ated to be nearly $5 billion,” the Lankan official said, and added: “It will entirely be borne by the Indian government. We have to get some approval for environmental clearance.”

He said the project may involve bridges and under­wa­ter tun­nels to allow unhindered movement of ships.

Queries sent to the spokespeople and secretaries of Indian road transport and highways, ports, shipping and waterways, railways, external affairs and environment ministries remained unanswered at press time.

Source: Mint
–Agencies

https://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?nid=102699

Add YourBack on table: $5 bil­lion road, rail link between India and Sri Lanka Heading Text Here

Back on table: $5 bil­lion road, rail link between India and Sri Lanka

Indo-Lanka joint energy projects dominate bilateral talks between Jaishankar and Wickremesinghe

Colombo, Jun 20 (PTI) External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Sri Lankan President Ranil Wickremesinghe held bilateral discussions on Thursday, where joint energy projects, including a proposed petroleum pipeline linking the two countries, took centre stage.

The two leaders focused on initiatives aimed at enhancing energy connectivity and developing the renewable energy sector.

“Significant attention was given to plans for a Liquified Natural Gas supply, a proposed petroleum pipeline linking the two countries, and advancing oil and gas exploration projects,” an official press release said.

It was announced that construction of the solar power plant in the eastern district of Trincomalee is set to commence next month.

The discussions also covered projects supported by the Indian government to enhance Sri Lanka’s liquid milk industry and fertiliser production.

Jaishankar and Wickremesinghe also discussed India’s support for developing Trincomalee and expanding the Kankesanthurai port in the north.

The ongoing development of Jaffna Airport and Colombo Airport with Indian assistance was also a key topic, alongside the acceleration of Sri Lanka’s unique digital identity card project, marking a significant step towards the country’s digitisation efforts.

A highlight of the engagement was the formal commissioning of the Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre (MRCC), comprising a main centre in Colombo and a sub-centre in Hambantota, the location of the Chinese-funded port.

Jaishankar arrived here early in the morning. It is his first visit in his second consecutive term in office.

The visit comes at a time when Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court on Tuesday gave Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, the Cabinet and the Adani Group three weeks to file preliminary objections to a petition filed by an environmental group against the wind power project undertaken by the Indian conglomerate at Mannar in the northeast region.

Meanwhile, some opposition members in Parliament raised concerns about the short length of Jaishankar’s visit, claiming it was a means to pressurise Sri Lanka over projects.

The Sri Lankan government has been maintaining that the Adani group investment was vital to achieving its target of 70 per cent of its power needs to renewable energy sources by 2030. In May, the government approved a 20-year power purchase agreement with Adani Green Energy to develop 484-megawatt wind power stations in the northeast region.

Sri Lanka: Accountability needed for enforced disappearances

Sri Lanka must ensure accountability for decades of enforced disappearances – UN report

GENEVA (17 May 2024) – Sri Lanka’s Government must take meaningful action to determine and disclose the fates and whereabouts of tens of thousands of people who have been subjected to enforced disappearance over the decades and hold those responsible to account, a UN Human Rights Office report released today says.

It calls on the Government to acknowledge the involvement of State security forces and affiliated paramilitary groups, and to issue a public apology.

“This report is yet another reminder that all Sri Lankans who have been subjected to enforced disappearance must never be forgotten,” said UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk. “Their families and those who care about them have been waiting for so long. They are entitled to know the truth.”

“The Government owes it to all those who have been forcibly disappeared. It is critical for these crimes to be investigated fully. These crimes haunt not only their loved ones, but entire communities and Sri Lankan society as a whole.”

Despite some positive formal steps by successive governments, such as the ratification of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, the establishment of the Office on Missing Persons and the Office for Reparations, tangible progress on the ground towards comprehensively resolving individual cases has remained limited, the report finds.

Between the 1970s and 2009, widespread enforced disappearances were carried out primarily by Sri Lankan security forces and affiliated paramilitary groups. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam also engaged in abductions which the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances described as “tantamount to enforced disappearances”.

Based on individual and group interviews, the report details the enduring psychological, social, and economic impact of enforced disappearances on the families of those forcibly disappeared, especially women. As most disappeared individuals have been male, women have often become the sole income-earner for a family, in a labour environment that poses many obstacles to women’s participation, including risks of sexual harassment and exploitation.

It adds that many women who have been at the forefront of efforts to find the disappeared have themselves been subjected to violations, including harassment, intimidation, surveillance, arbitrary detention, beatings and torture at the hands of army and police. “They told me if I continue, they will cut my husband in pieces or that they will go after my children,” said a woman who is still seeking a loved one.

Under international law, it is a clear obligation for the State to resolve cases of enforced disappearances, which constitute continuing violations, until the fate and whereabouts of those disappeared are clarified, said the High Commissioner.

Yet, most victim families remain without such clarification. “Two weeks passed, then two months, then two years. Now it has been 32 years, and I am still waiting,” said a man who testified before a national commission of inquiry about his disappeared son.

Successive commissions of inquiry have been created by the Government. However, only a few of their reports have been made public and even when published, access has usually been limited. Most recommendations, particularly those relating to criminal accountability, have not been implemented. Alleged perpetrators, including current and former senior officials and diplomats, continue to evade justice.

Despite the passage of nearly 15 years since the end of the armed conflict, and many decades since the earliest waves of enforced disappearances, Sri Lankan authorities are still failing to ensure accountability for these violations. “Accountability must be addressed. We need to see institutional reform for reconciliation to have a chance to succeed,” said Türk.

https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/sri-lanka-accountability-needed-enforced-disappearances

Petitioners seek SC intervention against Mannar Wind Power Project citing public interest

The Bishop of the Diocese of Mannar and three prominent environmentalists this week petitioned the Supreme Court in the public interest against the proposed 250 MW Mannar Wind Power Project by Adani Green Energy.

Rev. Dr. Fidelis Lionel Emmanuel Fernando along with Rohan Pethiyagoda, Prof. Nimal Gunatilleke and Prof. Sarath Kotagama have challenged the procurement process and proposed construction of the project by Adani Green Energy PTE Ltd and/or Adani Green Energy S L Limited.

The case names 67 respondents including the Cabinet of Ministers, the Sri Lanka Sustainable Energy Authority (SLSEA), the Central Environmental Authority (CEA), the Board of Investment, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Public Utilities Commission Sri Lanka and the Attorney General, among others.

It raises concerns regarding the credibility of the project’s environmental impact assessment (EIA) and the role played by the SLSEA. It flags certain procedural issues in the awarding of the purported contract and questions the characterisation of the project as a government-to-government deal.

It questions the basis for the negotiated tariff to be fixed at USD 8.26 cents per kilowatt-hour for a period of 20 years when the EIA conducts its assessment based on a cost of USD 4.6 cents, potentially causing considerable financial loss to the country and a burden on consumers.

The petition also states that, notwithstanding the intensely public nature of the project, its vital importance to the general public and public resources, including the natural environment, as well as the paramountcy of transparency and openness in good governance, “there is a paucity of available data and information”.

It requests Court to compel the release of the entire files and records including the call for bids for (if any) and responses to both the Mannar and proposed 234MW Pooneryn plants; records of deliberations and negotiations; Cabinet memoranda and decisions; unit price discussions including formulae related to the computation of the price per kilowatt hour; the criteria and benchmarks or any other basis for assessments of the project; and other relevant information.

The petition holds that the EIA commissioned by the SLSEA “appears to be a formality, conducted with a premeditated intention/decision to award the construction and operation of the project to predetermined contractors”.

Despite the CEA being the designated body, it appears from publicly disseminated information that the Power and Energy Minister was de facto acting in the capacity of the project approving authority, it states.

There is no transparency surrounding the purported leasing of 202 hectares acquired on Mannar Island for the project; and no information on compensation payable to affected landowners, the cost of which should be recovered from the investor.

The EIA has also not adequately evaluated alternative sites—Ambewela, the South East coast, Kalpitiya and Jaffna—or expressed “any acceptable rationale” for why Mannar Island was chosen.

“The promotion of Mannar when compared to other sites is made even more confounding given that it is the focal point of the Central Asian Flyway for over five million [5,000,000] migratory birds travelling to, and through, Mannar island on an annual basis, making it a crucial area for conservation and tourism which aspects are not as markedly evident in the other sites considered,” the petition states.

In seeking their relief, the petitioners pray that the Supreme Court declares a violation of their fundamental rights and that of the citizenry at large and the decisions made to award the project to Adani as wrongful; and calls for any consequential actions undertaken to be declared illegal.

The petition states that the case has been filed to further the national interest, to preserve and protect public property, including the environment, flora and fauna, public finances and to safeguard the rights and freedoms of the general public of Sri Lanka and its future generations.

https://www.sundaytimes.lk/240616/news/petitioners-seek-sc-intervention-against-mannar-wind-power-project-citing-public-interest-560422.html

Hypocrites as democrats

 

Thursday 30th May, 2024

Opposition politicians and some of their government counterparts have taken up the cudgels for the people’s franchise following UNP General Secretary Palitha Range Bandara’s call for postponing the next presidential and parliamentary polls by two years. They say they are ready to do all it takes to prevent the postponement of elections.

Bandara’s proposal could be considered a trial balloon floated at the behest of the UNP leadership. However, it is doubtful whether the UNP will dare make an attempt to postpone the upcoming presidential election. There is no constitutional provision for such a course of action. President Ranil Wickremesinghe has reportedly said the presidential election will be held, but why the UNP’s proposal at issue has caused so much concern to the public is understandable.

The UNP has an ugly history of trifling with the people’s franchise; it caused a general election to disappear, so to speak, in 1982, with the help of a heavily-rigged referendum. Old habits are said to die hard. The UNP must be made to regret having entertained the idea of postponing national elections again.

The question however is whether some of the self-proclaimed champions of democracy could be trusted with the task of protecting the people’s franchise, given their sordid past. They are trying to win some brownie points with the public by condemning the UNP, which they once honeymooned with and assisted in suppressing democracy.

Prominent among those who are hauling the UNP over the coals are the JVP/NPP and the SLPP. JVP/NPP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, MP, has declared that his party will never allow the UNP to postpone elections. Amusingly, the SLPP, too, has jumped on the bandwagon; its National Organiser, Namal Rajapaksa, has said his party is ready to go to any extent to defeat the UNP’s move to postpone elections. He has claimed that under the Rajapaksa governments, elections were never delayed. These politicians seem to think Sri Lankans have drunk from the Lethe (‘River of Forgetfulness’) or are a bunch of fools.

Both Namal and Anura apparently have a very low opinion of public intelligence. The SLPP has postponed the Local Government (LG) elections twice. First, it put off the mini polls on President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s watch in early 2022, unable to face the public; the second postponement of the LG polls came under President Wickremesinghe, who audaciously claimed there were no funds for elections. The SLPP endorsed his position. What moral right does the SLPP have to condemn the UNP for stifling democracy while helping President Wickremesinghe make draconian laws? The Rajapaksas are running with the public and hunting with the UNP, in a manner of speaking.

The JVP, which has taken the moral high ground, unflinchingly helped the UNP-led Yahapalana government postpone the Provincial Council (PC) elections. It voted for amending the PC Elections Act for that purpose in 2017. What Parliament passed became a textbook example of the proverbial Christmas tree bill, given the sheer number of riders; the final draft contained more additional sections than the original text due to extensive committee-stage revisions effected by the Yahapalana government to bypass judicial review. The TNA, the UNP, the UPFA including its dissidents, the SLMC, etc., voted for that obnoxious Bill. The SJB politicians and their SLPP counterparts were in the UNP and the UPFA, respectively, at the time.

The SLFP postponed a general election in 1975 by two years, creating an extremely bad precedent, which the UNP followed eight years later. The JVP committed heinous crimes in a bid to sabotage elections in the late 1980s. Its sparrow units murdered people and/or cut off their hands for voting. Those brave men and women who sacrificed their lives to save democracy have been forgotten, but the criminals who were responsible for heinous crimes against them are commemorated every year! The JVP’s spree of violence aimed at scuttling elections in the late 1980s stood the UNP in good stead as it created conditions for widespread rigging, which helped extend the UNP’s undemocratic rule.

There is no gainsaying that the UNP deserves all the bashing it receives, and must be prevented from suppressing democracy, but its critics are no paragons of virtue, as can be seen from their ruthless attacks on democracy or contribution thereto in the past or even at present. No wonder anti-politics is on the rise with public resentment welling up. The least that the self-styled defenders of democracy could do to assuage public anger is to apologise for their sins and seek forgiveness.

Hypocrites as democrats

EC writes to Prez Secy. on LG polls

  • Says holding polls the answer, not community advisory comms., to oversee LG dev. projects
  • SJB backs same & warns of legal action  

The Election Commission (EC) has informed President’s Secretary Saman Ekanayake and the other relevant authorities that it is better to hold the Local Government (LG) elections than establishing community advisory committees to oversee development projects under LG bodies.

The Government recently announced plans to establish these committees, with the alleged intent of having them oversee development projects within LG bodies. Former LG representatives are also slated to be considered for inclusion as members of these committees.

When contacted by The Daily Morning, EC Chairperson R.M.A.L. Rathnayake mentioned that the EC had examined the issue and sent a letter to the President’s Secretary outlining important considerations for setting up the committees in question. 

“We recommended that candidates who have submitted nominations for the LG elections should not be included in these committees, given that the electoral laws are still in effect.” He noted that the need to establish these committees arose because the LG bodies currently lack public representatives due to the delay in holding the LG Elections. As a solution, he said that they (EC) recommended to the relevant authorities, including the President’s Secretary, that holding the LG elections would be a better approach than establishing committees to fill the gap left by the absence of public representatives. When queried as to whom the relevant notification was made, Rathnayake said that it was informed to the President’s Secretary, the Prime Minister’s Secretary, the Provincial Governors and their Secretaries, and the District Secretaries.

The Government’s preparation to establish community advisory committees has raised significant concerns, with the main Parliamentary Opposition, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) alleging that the Government plans to conduct their election campaigns disguised as community advisory committees overseeing development projects in LG constituencies. 

“This move is an attempt to gain political advantage. Arbitrarily empowering Governors to form these committees could allow them to steer public resources toward their own political ends,” noted SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa yesterday (8). “It’s not the first time that we’ve seen this Government manipulate systems to its advantage,” he added, referencing a previous effort where power was prepared to be given to the former Mayors and Chairpersons of LG bodies — a strategy that he claimed was eventually withdrawn after legal challenges. 

Premadasa also questioned the true purpose of these committees, querying as to why their objectives could not be met through existing regional mechanisms like Divisional and District Secretariats, and District Coordination Committees. He also said that the SJB would legally challenge the establishment of these committees, raising concerns that candidates who had submitted nominations for the LG elections could be chosen to fill these committees’ roles.

The LG elections were initially set for March 2023, but were delayed because the Finance, Economic Stabilisation, and National Policies Ministry and the General Treasury did not release the necessary funds. The EC rescheduled the elections to April 2023, but the funding issue persisted, resulting in the indefinite postponement of the LG elections. 

 

Indo-SL passenger ferry service to resume mid-May

The passenger ferry service between Nagapattinam, India, and Kankesanthurai (KKS) in Sri Lanka, which resumed in October of last year (2023) after almost 40 years, only to be stopped days later, is set to recommence on 13 May. 

Online ticket sales for the service, which will be handled by a new operator, will go live on 6 May.

On 14 October 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi virtually flagged off the service between Nagapattinam and KKS. The high speed craft Cheriyapani operated by the Shipping Corporation of India under KPVS Private Limited however, stopped the service after about a week, allegedly due to the monsoon. After a gap of six months, the service is set to resume. This time though, a Chennai-based travel operator, IndSri Ferry Services Pvt. Ltd., would handle the international service through the ship, ‘Sivagangai’.

“The service will be offered daily. Ticket sales open from 6 May through our website www.sailindsri.com for voyages between 13 May and 15 November,” said IndSri Ferry Services Managing Director S. Niranjan Nanthagopan. A ticket from the Nagapattinam Port to KKS is currently priced at $ 50 plus taxes. The pricing is the same for the return service.

Passengers are allowed to carry 60 kilograms of baggage on board without charges. Further, they are allowed to change their date of travel 72 hours before the scheduled trip. Full refund is also available on cancellation only during the said period.

(The New Indian Express)

https://www.themorning.lk/articles/soo53ZCN1wH8ypxW8WLS