Sri Lanka is in an interval in hell: Dr. Shanuka Senarath
If SL does not strengthen its finances, it may default on IMF loan
Govt. needs to control inflation as gateway to economic recovery
After Premadasa’s time, SL has never had a proper economic policy
Population of 20 million in this country, but only 500,000 pay tax
Sri Lanka is currently in what he would term an ‘interval in hell,’ says Economist, Attorney-at-Law, and University of Colombo Department of Economics Senior Lecturer Dr. Shanuka Senarath. “This is just the tip of the iceberg; all the problems are still under the carpet,” he asserted, in an interview with The Sunday Morning.
Commenting on the anticipated International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout, he asserted that the $ 2.9 billion assistance package was hardly any financial gain, but noted that working with the IMF would put Sri Lanka on a better global footing. However, he warned that if Sri Lanka did not strengthen its finances, there was a possibility of it defaulting on the IMF loan too.
In the course of the interview, Dr. Senarath also spoke on areas the Government should prioritise in moving towards recovery, the tax regime, the latest power tariff hike, the Samurdhi poverty alleviation programme, the lack of a focused national economic policy, and the complete disinterest in tackling corruption.
Following are excerpts:
How do you view Sri Lanka’s current economic status and what’s your outlook for the country in the months ahead, especially in the backdrop of positivity surrounding the IMF bailout package for Sri Lanka?
If you look at the current economic status of the country, Sri Lanka obviously is a bankrupt country. It has been declared bankrupt so we are not paying our debt obligations and we are also not importing things as we used to do.
On average we were paying around $ 600 million as interest and repayments of debt, which we are not paying now, so we are saving around $ 600 million a month. Also, due to import restrictions, we are saving around $ 1,000 million a month.
Given that we are bankrupt and we are not importing or paying our debt, we are in what I would call an interval in hell – a situation which may look quite calm but is not. This is just the tip of the iceberg; all the problems are still under the carpet. That is how I would explain the nature of our economy in brief.
If I come up with a shorter example, if we have a hire purchase vehicle and stop making our repayments, no one will suddenly come and take our vehicle. There is a time gap between default and legal enforcement. We are in that time gap at the moment.
We have defaulted, we have to restructure our debt, and we have to pay back our debt; we are in an interval and we have to face real economic hardship in future.
Will this be the case even if the IMF bailout comes through?
The IMF bailout is $ 2.9 billion, which will be given to us over four years’ time. That is hardly any financial gain or loan because it is a minimal amount.
The good part about the IMF is, when Sri Lanka’s debts are restructured in light of the IMF funding, it gives a signal to the rest of the world that we are with the IMF. As a result, we will be able to do things like issue sovereign bonds or go for bilateral debt agreements. Other than that, the IMF won’t give any monetary strength to the country. However, it’s a good thing that the IMF has given a greenlight.
With the IMF, we can expect a slight recovery in the economy, but that doesn’t guarantee anything. Greece defaulted on its IMF loan; that is also a possibility. If we do not really strengthen our finances, there is a possibility that we may default on the IMF loan as well.
What should the Government’s priorities be in order to speed up recovery?
If we have a disease, we have to control our growing temperature. Our economy is facing huge inflation. Over the last 12 months, inflation has been over 100% and prices have doubled.
First, the Government needs to control inflation, for many reasons. One is, when we have this sort of inflation, it affects people’s purchasing power. People are becoming poorer. It also affects our domestic economy and our industries, which is why the economy is shrinking. Inflation also results in exports becoming harder to market in foreign markets. Local inflation is higher and so is the cost of production.
The Government should control inflation as the first step, as a gateway to economic recovery.
While revenue generation is important, negative impacts on people’s purchasing power is in turn negatively impacting the overall economy. How can these factors be balanced and managed favourably?
People’s purchasing power has gone down by more than 50%. In a rough estimate, the real value of Rs. 100 would be around Rs. 33 by now; purchasing power has declined by around 66%. That is something severe, with no increase in income. This is simply due to inflation, which the Government should control.
I will give you one good suggestion of what the Government should do. Oil or fuel is the lifeblood of the economy given that electricity and diesel are the main components of power generation in the economy.
If you look at the process of supplying fuel to the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) and the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC), the Government imposes a tax of almost 100% on fuel. The price of a litre of petrol when it arrives in Sri Lanka is well below Rs. 200. A litre of diesel costs around Rs. 250. Then the Treasury imposes a tax, which makes a litre of petrol Rs. 400 and a litre of diesel more than that.
Fuel is given to the CEB at these prices, due to which the price of electricity has gone up. Transportation uses fuel at this price, so the cost of transportation has gone up. The entire economy is facing inflation because transportation and power are the main sources of production. As a result, all prices are going up, from bread to whatever else.
If the Government can provide fuel to the CEB at CIF [Cost, Insurance, and Freight] price, that will control inflation. This is just one example I can suggest to policymakers. There are many ways of controlling inflation; this is how we can enhance people’s purchasing power and at least try to control the situation.
What are your thoughts on the current tax regime, especially in the backdrop of protests by trade unions?
Taxes are quite usual in any economy. The biggest argument from the Government side is that in other countries, taxes are quite high. I agree. Say for example in Australia, after a certain point taxes are around 33% of income.
However, the issue here is, given our purchasing power, we have been facing so much inflation over the last two years and our prices have doubled or more, while there has been no increase in income over the last 12 months.
On the other hand, there are so many indirect taxes in the Sri Lankan economy – for example, the tax on fuel and various other things like Value-Added Tax (VAT), which are indirect taxes that have also caused prices to go up. There are also other means of revenue generation from the Government side, fees and so on, which have gone up as well.
As a result, people are experiencing or gaining very little real income. The amount you can spend is very little as all these indirect taxes, fees, and everything else has gone up. On top of that, once we have these tax rates, it will be devastating. That is why the trade unions are working on this.
Some people have found out that they are gaining negative salaries; once they have paid their loans and the tax is imposed, they have to pay something to the institute for which they work. This is the nature of the situation.
There is an issue in Sri Lankan tax rates. The tax curve should be something that increases gradually. For lower-income brackets, the tax should be very low. For example, Rs. 200,000 is a very low amount of income in Sri Lanka at the moment. Even for Rs. 100,000, there is a tax. I do agree that even for a Rs. 50,000 income there should be a tax, but that should be at an absolute minimum – it should be nominal, say 0.5% or something. When it goes up, the tax rate should go up accordingly.
One of the biggest issues with the current tax rate is that taxes are higher at middle-income levels and comparatively lower at higher-income levels. I believe the tax threshold should go up at least to Rs. 200,000 and from there onwards tax should increase gradually.
There is another problem as well. We have a population of 20 million in this country, but only 500,000 people pay tax. Our tax base is quite weak because a lot of people are not paying taxes and the tax system is not developed. That is something the Government should focus on rather than forcing the entire burden on these 500,000 taxpayers.
How do you view the latest power tariff hike and its impact on people and industries?
If you look at the formulas and the rates of tariff on power, the increase is mainly for those who consume less power. For a person consuming less than 90 units per month, the hike is more than 250%, which is quite high.
The other issue is that our economy is already shrinking. Estimates are that it has gone down by 20%. The World Bank estimates that our economy will shrink another 4% by the end of this year, but that is for the formal economy. In a country like Sri Lanka, with such a wide informal economy, the actual drop will be more than 4% because most economic activities are not recorded. As a result, my estimate as an economist would be another 10% or 20% for this year as well.
Our industries are closing down – mainly local industries do not have the capacity to export; they don’t have any other market. Local demand is confined to essentials. People are mostly buying only food items and essentials like medicines; they have cut out most of the items we consider as luxury items in our current state. On top of that, we have this huge increase in electricity bills, which definitely impacts people’s purchasing power. It’s another indirect tax.
Industries also cannot cope with these prices and when they add their prices to the products, no one will buy them. Even export prices will go up tremendously in line with the electricity prices, which will result in a problem for Sri Lankan exporters in foreign markets.
Now we have a sudden appreciation of the rupee, which we have incorporated with all the good hopes, but look at what happens to the exporters – the amount of rupees they are getting for exports has suddenly dropped. The increases in cost of production, electricity, and all other factors along with the sudden appreciation of the rupee all work as obstacles for economic recovery.
The IMF has called for an increase in welfare programmes, even as some of the revenue generation steps are pushing people into economic hardship. How can the wellbeing of the lesser-privileged sections of society be ensured?
That is a very crucial point when it comes to a crisis. In an economic crisis, poverty increases. Our poverty over the last 10 years was around 5% of the population and it has risen to 10% now. It’s a challenging task for any government to address poverty in a crisis. One good thing the Government can do is minimise inflation and also strengthen its poverty alleviation programmes like Samurdhi.
If you look at Samurdhi, one of the biggest issues is that about 7% of recipients are from among the highest income earners in this country. Another 5% of actual poor people who should get the allowance are not getting it.
The Government was talking about a project where it would give the Samurdhi based on electricity consumption; this was discussed some time ago. People consuming less than 90 units a month are considered to be poor. There are issues with the measurement of considering people who use less power as poor, but all these impacts of power hikes are again on those who should receive Samurdhi.
The Samurdhi allowance, for example, is given to political henchmen rather than those who really need it. The Government should look into these factors and strengthen its poverty alleviation programme.
Addressing poverty amid a crisis is a hard thing, but it is something that should be done. If this situation continues, the impacts of malnutrition and the collapse in education will be seen in another 10 years’ time.
Does Sri Lanka actually have a focused economic policy or is it just flailing about in the dark in a reactionary manner?
To be honest, the sad truth is that we don’t have one. If we look at the economic history of this country, after President R. Premadasa’s time, we have never had a proper economic policy.
When we were kids, we had some sort of an industrial policy for this country, where they started garment factories and were starting to move towards semi-industrialisation of the country, which was quite good for the time. If you look at some of Sri Lanka’s export giants, those organisations came during the time of those industrialisation policies, especially in the garment industry.
After that, we never had a proper policy or a framework to address the needs of this country. What the Government has always done is depend on the revenue of those who are working in the Middle East. India has now banned sending housemaids to the Middle East given the higher social costs of such employment, but it is sad to see that Sri Lanka is solely depending on the monies of those working in the Middle East.
If you look at India, it is generating more dollars by selling IT services to the world compared to the revenue generated by Saudi Arabia by exporting oil. Imagine how much India is earning by strengthening its IT sector? What have we done? We were talking about monorails and technology villages, but we have never implemented anything. We have made some concrete investments in harbours, airports, and towers, which have no impact on the economy.
To be honest, as an economist, I have not seen any strong policy or any considerable policy on our economy over the last two decades.
While people undergo tremendous hardship, no politicians and State officials have been held accountable for the economic crisis. How can faith in the system be restored and people’s buy-in ensured in getting Sri Lanka back on track?
That is one of the key points I would like to emphasise on. If you look at the history of this, if I go back two years when Fitch Ratings was downgrading Sri Lanka, some of our key people who are responsible for economic management were talking about this downgrade as a conspiracy against the country because we had finished the war – the usual gallery political discussion.
At the time, we as economists said, ‘do not utter these words; they may burn the trust we have among the international community’. We have lost reputation and recognition in international communities over the last five years due to many factors.
Corruption, bribery – there was a time we were talking about a 10% commission on all investments coming into Sri Lanka – mismanagement and nationalist ideology have ruined the reputation of this country internationally. Locally, if you talk to an average Sri Lankan, no one believes in politicians because of corruption.
One good thing – and I don’t think this will ever happen – that can be done is carrying out proper investigations into what happened, into the corruption that has taken place. The report on illicit finance states that $ 20 billion has been looted from Sri Lanka over the last 10 years. That $ 20 billion amounts to almost half of our debt obligations.
For example, Israel is considering building a canal from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean, which would cost $ 15 billion; $ 20 billion is more than that. $ 20 billion is enough for Sri Lanka to survive for five years without doing anything. That is the amount we have lost thanks to corruption.
The IMF is talking about corruption control but nobody here is talking about it. The IMF is talking about tax increases and the Government is very happy about it. The IMF is talking about revenue generation through taxes, that is fine and politicians are happy, but nobody is talking about corruption control.
One good thing whoever comes into power in the future can do is have a proper investigation like in Malaysia and Singapore. We talk about becoming Singapore, but we are not talking about controlling corruption. That is something that should be done, it is an urgent need, but we cannot expect it from the current regime or current politicians.
13th Amendment should be implemented in three steps: Douglas
Kelum Bandara Mirror on line (23-02-2023)
Some powers devolved to the Provincial Councils have been taken through actions by the executive arm or through administrative decisions. I am asking for the transfer of such powers back to the Provincial Councils as the first step
The TNA wants the problem unsolved. They work for it. The President openly said he is prepared to settle all the pertaining issues- political issues, land issues etc. We have to support him. But, the TNA is not cooperative
Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda responds to questions from Daily Mirror on the move to implement the 13th Amendment and the fisheries issue involving India and Sri Lanka. Mr Devananda is the leader of the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP).
Excerpts:
Q You have stood for the implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution right throughout. Now there are talks about moves to implement it in full. Do you believe it is a reality?
Starting from the very beginning, the Government and the Opposition, be it whatever party, have failed to see eye to eye on it. Two parties Governed the country from time to time. When one tried to implement it, the other side always stood in the way. That is the nature of southern politics.
I have said from the very beginning that the 13th Amendment should be implemented in stages. It is already part of our constitution. All the provinces in the country outside the North and the East enjoyed such powers devolved. When the conference of Chief Ministers took place in the past, they insisted on more powers. Some powers devolved to the Provincial Councils have been taken through actions by the executive arm or through administrative decisions. I am asking for the transfer of such powers back to the Provincial Councils as the first step.The President or the Prime Minister can do it by placing just their signatures. In the next stage, you can simply implement other powers. Only in the final stage, you can talk about the devolution of land and police powers to the Provincial Councils. Once there is consensus after reconciliation among all the communities, we can discuss the last stage. Today, everyone is confused about the last stage which I mentioned. We cannot implement the last stage immediately. That is why I said it could be done in three stages.
Through executive and administrative actions, the centre has wrongfully retracted powers over more than 30 years.
Q Do you remain positive that the 13th Amendment will be implemented this time in full?
The President is clear on it. At the all-party conference, almost all the parties agreed. I am going to hold talks with the Mahanayake Theras. Only the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) is creating problems. The TNA wants the problem unsolved. They work for it. The President openly said he is prepared to settle all the pertaining issues- political issues, land issues etc. We have to support him. But, the TNA is not cooperative. They try to land the President in trouble so that the problem is not addressed. In 1990, I came to Sri Lanka with three things in mind. First, it was to join the mainstream. Then, I wanted to settle the problem through the Parliamentary system and reconciliation. I went to India in 1986. I entered mainstream politics and joined Parliamentary democracy. The LTTE and other Tamil parties went against this policy. They tried to assassinate me several times. My people were killed. Some were chased out of the country. They could not stop me. They tarnished my name. Today, the LTTE and its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran are no more. History has proven that my stand is correct. It is only becoming a reality. I am going to talk to the Mahanayake Theras. They will accept my position.
Q Recently, you met with Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S. Jaishankar. What is India’s latest stand?
The 13th Amendment is their baby. India is vocal about its implementation. At times, India is silent. But, I have been persistent on this matter. When the Tamil parties went together to meet him, I went separately. He said this is the only way to settle the problem. The other parties agreed willingly or unwillingly.
Q What do you think is the role of India this time when other Tamil parties such as All Ceylon Tamil Congress try to stand in the way of implementing the 13th Amendment?
They all agreed with Dr Jaishankar. They submitted various proposals such as Federalism. But, Dr Jaishankar was categorical that the implementation of the 13th Amendment is the way forward in keeping with the situation of the country.
Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa said he is prepared to address the problem within the contours of a unitary constitution. Federalism is anathema to the Sinhala people. Likewise, the unitary status is anathema to the Tamil people. That is the reality. I also believe we can find a solution within a unitary country (Ekiya Rajya). That is the practical and possible way. Even Prabhakaran could not achieve anything through other means.
Q My next question is about the fisheries issue with India. Different governments have tried to settle it, but the problem persists. It continues. In your view, why does the problem continue to be an irritant?
The problem has in fact aggravated now. We handle it in a few ways. One is the diplomatic approach. The other one is through legal action. Poaching in our waters is prohibited legally in terms of the law of the country. We arrest those poaching and produced them in a court of law. They can get bailed out, but their fishing equipment including boats are confiscated. I am going to hand over such confiscated boats to the local fishermen’s associations. Our boats are like auto rickshaws whereas their ones are like Elf trucks. When they operate their boats, our fishermen cannot go and fish. They destroy the fishing gear of our fishermen.
Then, there is the Joint Working Group. When the Indian External Affairs Minister came, I stressed the point that it should be addressed. Otherwise, it may lead to clashes between fishermen on both sides. Recently, the Indian Union Minister of Fisheries L. Murugan visited Sri Lanka. I discussed the matter with him. When President Ranil Wickremesinghe visits India, he will take up the matter. Earlier, Mr Murugan was the Tamil Nadu leader of the ruling Bharatiya Janatha Party (BJP).
Our issue is a justifiable one. There are proposals from their end. That is to give a license for them to fish here. I said no to bottom trawling. The sea bed of the Indian side is already destroyed. Now they come to our side. Fish have no passports. They move freely. If Indian fishermen destroy our side too, there won’t be fish for both sides.
India curbed social fallout by acting fast, ties entered new ..
(Times of India 27-01-2023)
NEW DELHI: Lauding India’s financing assurances to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), backing Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring efforts, Lankan high commissioner Milinda Moragoda said the social fallout of the economic crisis in the strategically located island nation would have been worse if India had not acted swiftly and that India’s support will minimise any trust deficit between the two countries.
Speaking to TOI, Moragoda said no other country would have helped Sri Lanka the way India did and that foreign minister S Jaishankar’s recent visit to Colombo, his third in the past 12 months, marked the entry of the bilateral relationship into a new phase. It also marked, he said, the beginning of Lanka’s economic recovery.
Jaishankar was in Colombo this month to express solidarity with Sri Lanka and he said during his visit India’s financing assurances to the IMF were meant to clear the way for Sri Lanka to move forward and in line also with India’s expectation that all bilateral creditors are dealt with equally. Sri Lanka is currently awaiting similar assurances from China and Japan, other major bilateral lenders. While Beijing has written to Sri Lanka offering a debt moratorium for two years and support for securing IMF’s proposed $2.9 billion bailout package, reports from Colombo suggest it’s not clear yet if the international lender, unlike in the case with India, is satisfied with China’s assurances.
“The timing was very important. India’s support overall and the fact that it took the lead can be hailed as an example of India’s neighbourhood first policy. There would have been more social fallout of the crisis otherwise,” said Moragoda, adding that India’s assurances are also in keeping with the requirements of Paris Club creditor nations which are helping Sri Lanka with debt restructuring. Protesters last year swarmed the residence of then president Gotabaya Rajapaksa, following acute food and fuel shortages in the country that resulted from Lanka’s debt crisis, leading finally to the exit of the Rajapaksas from power.
Moragoda said Sri Lanka is looking to attract more investments from India through cooperation in areas like renewables, power grid connectivity, refineries, tourism, trade expansion and proposed divestments in telecom and insurance companies. Plans to turn Trincomalee into a petroleum hub and use rupee for trade settlement are also under consideration. Jaishankar had said in Colombo that India will encourage investments in core areas like energy, infrastructure and tourism.
Significantly, Moragoda said India’s support will help address the trust deficit between the two countries, which has often been exacerbated by China’s ever-increasing footprints. “We went through some rough patches but what’s important is that we kept communication going. We were frank and candid. There will be ups and downs but what India did for us, no other country would have done,” said the high commissioner. India was the first country to provide financing assurances to the IMF as it sought proactive action by all creditors to help the nation of 22 million people.
India and Sri Lanka are currently working to finalise dates for a visit by President Ranil Wickremesinghe soon. Jaishankar had delivered an invite to the president when he called on him during his visit.
On Jaishankar’s call for implementation of the 13th amendment, which seeks devolution of power to the Tamil minority, and early conduct of provincial elections, Moragoda said Wickremesinghe had been working to bring all parties together from the day he was sworn in. “Ìt’s complex in Sri Lanka. It’s difficult to speak in terms of timelines but the president is trying. This issue has been on the table for 75 years and the 13th amendment has served as a framework for settlement. Right now, Sri Lanka is faced with a bigger crisis, an existential one, and it’s important everybody gets together,” he said.
We should strive to be self-sufficient thus ensuring food security: Mahinda Amaraweera
(Dily Mirror 29th Oct 2022)
The World Food Programme estimates that 6.3 million people in Sri Lanka, which is more than 30 per cent of the country’s total population, are “food insecure” and in need of humanitarian aid. Of these individuals, around 5.3 million are either cutting down on the number of meals they eat or missing meals entirely, and at least 65,600 are in a state of acute food insecurity. Since its independence in 1948, Sri Lanka has never before faced a more severe economic crisis than it is now enduring.
It is no longer possible for the nation to pay the import bills for food, gasoline, gas, and other critical products required for the day-to-day lives of its population, and the repayment of the country’s vast foreign debts is a distant dream.
In addition, according to a study released on September 12 by the Food and Agriculture Organisation and the World Food Programme, Sri Lankan children are very susceptible to escalating socio-economic crises. The report warns that the situation will become much direr from October 2022 through February 2023 owing to low harvests of staple foods such as paddy rice and the continuing instability in the economy.
The decision of former President Rajapaksa to ban chemical fertilisers in May 2021 also played a role in Sri Lanka’s economic downturn. Consequently, rice production dropped by more than 30% in the last season. With a reduction in their yield, many farmers struggled to cover their costs. A shortage of fuel also complicated the harvesting and transportation of crops.
In that background, Daily Mirror sat down with Agriculture Minister Mahinda Amaraweera to explore to what extent the Agriculture Ministry is ready to face the upcoming predicted calamities and his views on the current political climate.
Q Have you sorted out the fertiliser issue for the next cultivation season? Will farmers have access to enough fertiliser and agrochemicals?
The Ministry has planned to provide a free fertiliser bag (50kg) to the farmers who farm in an area which is less than one hectare. Currently, tenders have been called, showcasing progress in the supply of providing free fertiliser, and now we are at the end of the tender process. In addition, the price of a urea bag will be Rs. 10,000. Accordingly, this will be provided under a relief programme. Furthermore, Muriate of Potash (Potassium Chloride) fertiliser will also be provided at a concessionary price for Maha season paddy cultivation. Muriate of Potash is a commonly used fertiliser used by farmers as a ‘bandi Pohora’ in paddy cultivation.
And also, regarding organic fertiliser, the government will provide a sum of Rs 20,000 for the farmers to buy organic fertiliser. Therefore, a fertiliser shortage is not expected in the next cultivation season as all factors have been considered. Even if an unforeseen situation arises, we are well armed to face it as we are financially secure to face the next cultivation season.
Q What are your plans to avoid an impending food crisis predicted by many experts?
It is well evident that there is a global food crisis. When turning to our country, there was a possibility that we would also face a food crisis, but our farmers envisaged the situation and started cultivating considerably in higher amounts in this season. When I took up the Ministry, only 248,000 hectares were cultivated across the island. But when the Ministry assured the supply of fertilisers, 248,000 increased to 512,000 hectares. Simply put, this is the highest cultivated Yala season in history. Therefore there is an increase in production in the country. Frankly speaking, I do not say that we are 100 per cent food secure, but we have shown considerable progress relative to the previous situation.
In addition, we are experiencing high import prices due to the rupee depreciation, and the consumers are having a hard time with it. Therefore we should strive to be self-sufficient within the country itself; thus, food security will be ensured.
Q What are the global factors that affect food supply and security here?
I do not think that currently, we are witnessing any such special factors that have an impact on us. Our farmers and our history have given us exceptional techniques in the field of cultivation. An amalgamation of both traditional and modern methods is used by our farmers in the current context. Therefore the target of the Ministry is to promote cultivation and self-sufficiency, thereby leading to self-sufficiency in rice by 2023.
Q Most foods are now out of reach of consumers due to very high prices. What can be done to address this issue?
Yes, many food items are currently unaffordable; the only solution is to increase production. Eggs and chicken have become a hot topic due to their higher prices. The reason behind this was the high feeding cost and unavailability of feeding items among poultry and egg producers.
As a solution, maize and soybean farming will be considerably increased to minimise the gravity of the situation. We will also provide fertiliser to maize cultivation at a concessionary price. Registered poultry feed makers could import maize and Soybean with the approval of the Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture, but as the Minister, I mainly focus on directing the country to a self-sufficient state; the Ministry plans to increase the cultivated land area by at least three times than last year.
Milk production has also decreased to a greater extent, and high feed costs and unavailability of feeding items are considered to be the main reason behind this. And also, 99 per cent of our chillies are imported. As a result, Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Agriculture has started a green chillies cultivation campaign to meet 20 per cent of the country’s demand locally, Minister Mahinda Amaraweera said
Q What is the progress of the import substitution programme whereby the government wanted to stop the imports of crops that can be grown here?
When I was the Agriculture Minister in 2018, I introduced ‘jumbo peanuts’ to curtail the import of groundnuts. The new groundnut variety was introduced at the Grain Legume and Oil Crops Research and Development Centre at Angunakolapelessa. It was successful, and we do not import groundnuts anymore. Green gram and chickpea are also not imported now as we have increased production.
We also have started a programme to increase fruit production in the country as we import a substantial amount of fruits.
Q:The Government and UNICEF seem to be having a tussle over malnutrition figures in SL. What is your take on this?
UNICEF presented a report based on facts dating to somewhere between 2016 and 2018. Sri Lanka’s Health Ministry has also rejected the recent report by UNICEF. Personally, I do not believe that any survey is foolproof to derive 100% accurate conclusions. Since every report is a product of a sample, different hypotheses can be presented, but a report cannot depict a solid judgement about any situation.
Q The organic fertiliser fiasco was one factor that led to the former President’s downfall. Are you giving it up altogether? There are some crops where it has shown some promise.
We have not entirely put an end to organic farming. If a particular farmer prefers organic farming, the government is all in with those farmers. But in general, what the Ministry proposes is an amalgamation of both organic and chemical fertiliser; accordingly, 70 per cent of chemical fertiliser and 30 per cent of organic fertiliser is our take on this. Therefore we are ready to provide organic fertiliser at concessionary prices too.
Constitutional amendment: No one can oppose 22A now: Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe
- 22nd Amendment will be 19th Amendment Plus and more
- Ministry of Defence cannot be alienated from President
- Elections possible only when environment is right
- SOE was declared unwillingly and will not be kept for long
- New COPE, COPA members can continue work they were doing
- Differentiating peaceful protesters from violent elements a struggle
- Disagree with allegations of double standards in application of law
By Asiri Fernando
The Government is confident that it can muster adequate support to pass the proposed new 22nd Amendment (22A) to the Constitution which will be tabled in Parliament soon, Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe told The Sunday Morning.
According to the Justice Minister, the amendment, now approved by Cabinet, will see governance return to a model that was more progressive than the 19th Amendment (19A). He said that under the proposed 22A, key appointments, especially on the country’s fiscal policy, will need to be approved by a Constitutional Council that will be made up of representatives from the Government, Opposition, and small parties in Parliament.
He defended the use of the State of Emergency (SOE), stressing that the Government had no choice but to do so reluctantly due to the violent and disruptive actions of a few.
In an interview with The Sunday Morning, Rajapakshe argued that despite a strong desire by political parties and the public to hold early elections, the conditions needed to be right for the country to go for polls. He also conceded that bridging the public trust in law enforcement and justice may take some time, stating that he had plans to enact new legislation and continue his predecessor’s reforms programme.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
The Cabinet has approved the draft 22nd Amendment to the Constitution. Will the approved iteration of the 22nd Amendment return Sri Lanka to the 19th Amendment if approved by Parliament? What are the new features it will include?
The 22nd Amendment is a much-improved form of the 19th Amendment. There are some good features from the 20th Amendment (20A) that we have retained. I am planning to present it in Parliament around 10 August.
The 22nd Amendment will propose to appoint three members of Parliament to the Constitutional Council; instead of the President and the Prime Minister deciding who is elected, we plan to propose that the three groups – the Government, the Opposition, and the small parties – decide who their representatives should be in the council. That can be done under the supervision of the Speaker.
Next, the Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) and new members of the Monetary Board will also need to have the prior approval from the Constitutional Council. The approval of new members (not ex officio) is already in the 2002 Monetary Act.
Under 19A, the interim arrangement was for the president to hold three ministries – Environment, Mahaweli, and Defence. Now after 19A, the president couldn’t hold any ministries. However, you cannot remove the Defence Ministry from the president according to the Constitution. That has been affirmed by a Supreme Court judgement.
Also, under 22A, when a bill is passed by Parliament, if a citizen is seeking to challenge it, they may now do so within 14 days. Earlier, it had to be within seven days. We came to this decision following the experience of how the bill on the Hambantota Port was rushed through Parliament.
Another change is an amendment to Article 52 of the Constitution – where a minister ceases to hold office due to whatever the reason, the office of the ministry secretary also ceases to function. Under 22A, we have incorporated the relevant provisions that irrespective of the minister holding office, the secretary shall continue until a new secretary is appointed.
Of the good features of 20A we want to retain, one is where in the committee stages you cannot introduce new amendments which are against the basic principles and norms of the bill already presented.
Under 19A there was a provision that for someone to challenge a decision of a president, you can only do so through an application for a Fundamental Rights violation in the Supreme Court. Under 20A, that was expanded to include the subject of a ministry held by the president; you can challenge it in the Court of Appeal through a writ application. That is an expansion we retain in 22A.
We also plan to retain the number of judges in the Supreme Court (it was increased from 11 to 17) and the Court of Appeal (from 12 to 20) that 20A introduced.
Meanwhile, 19A recognised the laws that need to be passed in terms of anti-corruption in line with the UN Convention. Although the provisions were there by 2018, I plan to get them approved by Parliament as soon as possible following the vote on the 22nd Amendment. I feel that legislation such as that on anti-corruption will also help rebuild confidence in Sri Lanka among the international community.
How confident are you about support for the 22nd Amendment in Parliament?
I am quite confident that we will get the support necessary. That is because 22A is the need of the hour. I think it is what is being demanded by the people – percentage wise, I think about 90% of the people want this. I think we can get a broad consensus on this. In fact, the Opposition was also demanding that 19A be brought back. There were allegations that 22A was ‘19 Minus,’ but this is ‘19 Plus’.
There was reasonable criticism due to provisos added by the previous President, now I have removed them. Therefore, I don’t think anyone can be opposed to this. In my experience, for 19A we had only 47 in the Government, but in terms of votes we took about 215. That is because, when it is in the people’s best interest, public representatives can’t be opposed to that.
Our experience with the Right to Information Act (RTI) and the Witness Protection Act shows that we can get enough support in Parliament for acts that are in the best interest of the public.
Concerns have been raised about inquiries by parliamentary committees – the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) and Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) – which have been suspended due to the prorogation of Parliament. Will the Government work with the Opposition to appoint capable and credible MPs to the committees to continue the accountability process?
That is our plan. In 2015, when we were in government, we appointed Opposition MP Sunil Handunnetti to head COPE. Similarly, we will move quickly to appoint MPs to that role.
However, prorogation doesn’t stop the inquiries; it is not meant to stop the process. The work can be carried forward. There won’t be any disruption to the powers, the work, and the process that was ongoing.
Critics have questioned the continued use of the State of Emergency. Why is Sri Lanka continuing to use these regulations?
We didn’t bring in the SOE willingly. We had no option due to the way some people were conducting themselves. There was violence and it left the country in a vulnerable place. Under the cover of apolitical peaceful protesters, there were a few politically involved groups who were trying to disrupt the entire system with the expectation that they would get some advantage out of it by ruining the country. We have no plans to continue the SOE for long.
Another reason was due to the shortage of fuel and other items, there were many people waiting in queues and many of them poor and vulnerable. There were groups trying to agitate those in the queues toward various acts of mischief. We wanted to avoid that too because the first thing if you are running a government is to ensure law and order.
How confident are you that there will be support for the all-party platform the President has called for?
I presented a resolution in Parliament in the first week of April calling for an all-party interim government as I saw the need for this. That was before the protesters took to the streets, but the political parties rejected the idea then. Now, all parties are demanding it.
The President will meet all party leaders and we have invited all the members (MPs). We are hopeful that they will all come forward, because this is not the time to stand by party policies or on the sidelines. This is the time to unite for the betterment of the country.
There has been a call for early elections. Is the Government keen to move towards an early election and if so, when can it be held?
Anyone who follows democratic principles will not be opposed to an election. But we are concerned about holding an election, because as a government, we need to be fully responsible for it and there has to be a conducive environment to hold an election. There has to be an economic capacity to hold one. Also, unless the basic needs are provided, how can you go for an election? So when the situation improves, we will do it. Otherwise, the country will keep getting poorer.
If we call for an election now, even the International Monetary Fund (IMF) may say the Government does not look stable and that they cannot help until we reach some stability and then those who have been most affected by this crisis – the poor – will be affected once again. Not only the poor but all people will have to suffer.
What we are planning is to gradually bring the economy back to normalcy over the next six months – at least to the level it was prior to the Presidential Election of 2019.
The use of the State of Emergency – isn’t it rule by law instead of rule of law? Opposition politicians, rights activists, and the Aragalaya movement have alleged that the law is being employed selectively to oppress dissent. How do you respond to such allegations?
There are some reasonable grounds for such allegations. We concede that there is confusion. At the moment the problem for law enforcement and at times even the courts is about differentiating between the people who were genuinely involved in the Aragalaya movement and persons who caused destruction.
I have invited all the parties who are concerned about this to have a discussion. I have scheduled some meetings with them. We hope to identify the genuine protesters and safeguard their rights. I pursue this with genuine intentions. I have also asked the President about this and he has entrusted the task to me.
Why does the Police seem more effective in investigating and arresting suspects involved in the Aragalaya movement, than those implicated in assaulting protesters and other serious crimes? In your opinion, is there a double standard?
This allegation is made regarding the incidents of 9 May. We condemned what happened. There were some political figures who were suspected to have been involved in that incident. I think most of them were arrested and many were produced before a Magistrate’s Court. Some of them surrendered and some have taken steps to try to get a Court Order against their arrest.
I think people have an issue with key suspects being remanded or not. In our legal system, which we can’t interfere with, our law is that granting bail is the rule and refusal is the exception. The litigation is ongoing. Under no circumstances do we (the Government) want to interfere or stop that process.
The Attorney General has directed the IGP on how to act on this investigation. The IGP was instructed not to allow politics into the process.
Given the massive trust deficit between the public and the law enforcement agencies, what steps will you as the Minister of Justice take to bridge the gap?
Yes, definitely I will take the necessary steps because that is one of the reasons there are so many obstacles in carrying out smooth administration. I plan to enact new legislation and introduce certain reforms in that regard.
The lack of trust and the suspicion about the affairs of the State stem from these issues. You may recall that over the last two years, I too was a serious critic of the then Government. It will take some time to address this issue; there is no quick fix. We need to move towards that goal as a country. It is essential that we move towards bridging that trust deficit as a democratic nation.
With regard to the recent findings of the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) about the conduct of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and senior Police officers, I will be discussing the matter with the subject minister. I think several cases have also been filed in the Supreme Court about that matter already, so the Court may also give some directives.
I have nearly 30 pieces of legislation, amendments that are related to law enforcement; we plan to bring some of them to Parliament in the next few months. My predecessor had already started on some of the legislation and projects regarding reforms for law enforcement and the implementation of the law. I plan to continue with such projects and the reforms programme that was started.
Will senior public officials involved in ill-advised economic, fiscal, and agricultural policies be held accountable? What kind of mechanism can be used to do so?
In my private capacity, I filed a case in the Magistrate’s Court to prevent the former Central Bank Governor from leaving the country. It has been continuing. In terms of the economic disaster we are facing, I think the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) has already filed a case.
There are restrictions placed against former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa to prevent them from leaving the country. I think that is a good move. We are bound to comply with the directions given by the Supreme Court on these matters.
Election only after a new Constitution – IUSF
Interview with IUSF Convener Wasantha Mudalige
Dinuli Francisco (Daily Mirror)
For the first time in the history, Inter-university Student Federation (IUSF) appears in a different light in the eyes of most of the masses. The prime reason behind this is the contribution rendered by the IUSF to make the “Aragalaya” a success.
Sri Lankans, irrespective of race, religion, or social class, collectively protested against the worst economic crisis exacerbated by the Rajapaksa regime. Citizens deprived of basic necessities – including food, fuel and medicine took to the streets to voice dissent against the government.
These dispersed demonstrations came together on April 9 in the Galle Face Green area around the Presidential Secretariat, growing and evolving into Sri Lanka’s most organised protest movement, now known as the Aragalaya—the Struggle of the People. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa announced his resignation on July 14 after fleeing from the growing pressure of the Aragalaya, which had already lasted over 100 days.
For over three months, the IUSF has been playing a critical role in the Aragalaya. In that background, Daily Mirror sat with the IUSF convener Wasantha Mudalige to discuss the future direction of the protests amidst Ranil Wickremesinghe’s swearing-in as the eighth executive president.
Meanwhile the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s court on Monday (25) issued an overseas travel ban for six activists including the IUSF Convener Wasantha Mudalige.
Q What are the prime aims of your organisation?
When the Inter University Students Federation began in 1978, there were three main organisation goals, and those haven’t changed for us. The first is unconditionally standing up for the rights of the people of this country, the second is fighting for the right to free education, and the third is intervention in educational affairs and student welfare of universities. The Inter-University student Federation is built on these aspirations. Therefore, IUSF is an organisation that intervenes in securing the education rights of this country’s citizens and also plays a significant role in finding solutions for the burning issues in this country.
Q Some critics say you should confine your activities to university issues without poking your fingers into other national issues. What’s your comment?
Free education means that we get this education for free. We get free uniforms, free books, and even the Mahapola scholarship. However, for free education to continue and expand, all citizens suffer greatly and pay taxes. Fishermen in this country pay taxes risking their lives in the deep sea, tea plantation workers pay taxes, and farmers toil daily and pay taxes. Therefore, we believe there is no way to ignore the problems of such a society, including people who hardly pay their taxes. Therefore, we believe that we should intervene in the issues of the people of this country.
Q Some say that your activities actually hinder university education and that you force students to join your campaigns. What’s your comment?
Since the establishment of this organisation, numerous battles have been won, and rights have been protected. 1981 “DawalaPathrikawa” was carried out by the Sri Lanka government to reduce provisions for education. It was with the leadership of the Inter-University Student’ Federation, the Sri Lanka parliament was surrounded by university students in protest of the government’s actions. The government tried suppressing that campaign with the army. But the courage and strength of the Sri Lankan students’ movement defeated it and forced the government to cancel “DawalaPathrikawa”.
Then North Colombo Medical College (NCMC), a private university in 1980, is now nationalised and affiliated with the University of Kelaniya as the Ragama Medical Faculty as a result of our struggles. In addition, the fraudulent SAITM was abolished with the intervention of the IUSF only. IUSF was decisively involved in all these fights to secure and guarantee free education in this country. Anyhow, none of the students were forced into these protests; university students voluntarily engage in these protests as they are aware of their responsibilities as citizens of this country.
On the other hand, it is true that while engaging in these social activities, each one of us has to make sacrifices. In some instances, two or three hours of lectures will be missed while they participate in protests, but it happens of their own free will. I assure none of the students are forced into participating in protests.
Q Are you still opposed to private universities?
Obviously, we as the IUSF only believe in accessible education, and we, as an organisation, have shed blood and tears on behalf of that. Under all circumstances, we stand with our slogan of free education. There cannot be a difference between haves and have-nots; we also believe in gender equality. Based on these, we fight for free education.
Q Don’t you think private universities give opportunities to students who otherwise cannot enter university and also save foreign exchange?
Let’s talk about foreign exchange, we are the pearl of the Indian ocean; the sea surrounds us. But starting from the Halibut Sri Lanka needs, other essential fish are brought from abroad. How much of Sri Lankan money will go abroad from that? Many essential goods are brought to Sri Lanka from abroad. The government only wants forex from education, a long-established and well-known argument that the government puts forward to cover up their incompetence. Thus, selling education is not the answer for forex; it will only lead to the collapse of our education system.
Q In any case, now that you are firmly part of the Aragalaya, what do you aim to achieve through it?
Aragalaya is and will be a critical struggle for the people. There was a continuous struggle on the part of school students, farmers and university students. Extending from that, there were numerous issues on the part of the private and public sector employees, who had their demands. So, as a result, all the sectors of the society came to a juncture demanding the resignation of former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa. So, within this struggle, we, as the IUSF, intervened to our maximum capacity, and all possible measures were taken from our side. We stood in the same line with the people of this country.
We did the necessary intervention to convince the people of this country that they could fight and win and then win again. Unfortunately, during the past few months, we saw parents abandoning their children or murdering them out of despair and even people dying, standing for days in interminable queues. We know that this is not what people aspire to as a society and as Sri Lankans. We need a society that enjoys life and a secure future for everyone. We are working as stakeholders to realise that future. We are part of this fight and will always be intervening and lending our strength to the struggle.
Q What, in your opinion, are the solutions to the present crisis?
This crisis is very intense and decisive. Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn in as the eighth executive president. It is a testament to people’s opinions not being represented, seeing the opinion of the people is not in the parliament. The people of this country kicked out the president, who obtained 6.9 million votes two years ago. With the swearing-in of Ranil Wickremesinghe, the people’s opinion has been discarded like a worthless piece of garbage. This is an easy shortcut taken by the Pohottuwa MPs to perpetuate their corrupted and fraudulent lives.
Can Wickremesinghe eliminate fuel, gas and milk powder queues? Clearly not. Even after Ranil Wickremesinghe became Prime Minister, he reiterated the depth of this crisis. About how people should tighten their belts, about how making a living is going to get more difficult.
The only solution is an interim government. There is a huge expectation gap between the masses and the government; to eliminate that, a people’s assembly must be established. We need to create a system to connect people to the central governance system within an interim structure. Within the establishment of the People’s Assembly, a People’s Council should be established. Within that structure, with the collaboration of the government and people’s council, solutions must be found.
Moreover, the constitution should be urgently reformed, and discussions should be held to bring a new constitution. In addition, ill-gotten wealth must be recovered within the framework of the legal system.
Q Some say this is an economic crisis, while others say it is political.
This is clearly a combination of economic and political crises.
This is not just an economic crisis but also not only a political crisis. Rather a political crisis that was clearly caused by the economic crisis. Obviously, therefore the answer to this is political. First, Ranil Wickremesinghe must resign from his presidency as he does not hold the majority opinion. The people of this country did not give a mandate to Ranil Wickremesinghe in the 2020 election. As the voice of the masses that defeated Gotabaya Rajapaksa, IUSF strongly believes that Ranil Wickremesinghe’s fate will be the same. After that, an interim government should be formed in accordance with the constitution. The interim government should create an environment where the “strugglers” and social activists of this country can intervene and influence the governing system. Then within that environment, quick constitutional reforms and economic reforms could be done. After that, we should go for an election only after a new constitution has been adopted. No matter who is appointed, this cannot be done without doing the aforementioned.
Q What do you propose? A presidential or a parliamentary election?
We believe that if we are going for an election, we should hold an election only after adopting a new constitution. We need to change this system and go for elections. The executive presidency should be abolished. If we don’t hold an election with these progressive changes, we think the people will not achieve a satisfactory and sufficient victory in their struggles. The same set of goons will end up acquiring power. Definitely, an election must be held to examine the will of the people but only after formulating the necessary foundation for that.
Q The Government has kept universities closed for quite some time. Do you see another agenda behind this move?
Of course, there is an agenda behind this. Even during the pandemic, the government closed schools and universities without a proper plan to continue academic work. While all the other systems ran smoothly, the government had no plans to open schools and universities. The government is aware of the resistance from the universities and schools. They want protests against the government to be crushed and trampled; thus, the education institutions are arbitrarily closed.
Q What are the next steps of the Aragalaya, and will it continue until Ranil Wickremesinghe is ousted?
Ranil Wickremesinghe, who clearly has no public support, came to parliament by pure luck. He is now intervening to protect the Rajapaksa junta dishonouring the “Aragalaya” to the core; he should be expelled immediately as he could not even garner enough votes to secure his seat. We will take all possible measures to drive Ranil Wickremesinghe away. Also, as the student body of Inter-University, we are organising massive protest actions in the future. We emphasise to the people of this country that Ranil Wickremesinghe, who has been the country’s prime minister six times, has not been able to take the country even an inch forward. Also, this is Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was the Prime Minister at the time of the greatest heist of the central bank, PM, who was in power during the Easter Attack. We are taking this message from village to village, making villagers aware until society understands that Ranil is not a magician but only a man with no way forward. We believe that it can be done. We will organise protests, awareness campaigns, and conferences to do it.
Q Who is the next person you think is suitable for taking the presidency? Is it Anura Kumara Dissanyaka?
Say we have x, y, and z as candidates; we do not say that X is better than y or Y is better than. We emphasise again that we don’t want a name; we want a method. We believe in a system that can solve the problems of the society and the people of this country, no matter who is elected under that system. We do not believe in individuals.
Q There are various allegations that IUSF is a political pawn of the Frontline Socialist Party? Is there any truth behind this?
I deny those allegations. Anyone with differing political views can be part of the IUSF. The actions or slogans of the IUSF are decided by its members unanimously after discussions. Therefore, there is no interference from any political party. Only the slogans of the country’s people and students are in our organisation.
Q There are reports on social media that you are wasting people’s tax money by failing continuously at exams in the university for years?
I sat for the G.C. E Advanced Level examination from the arts stream and obtained university admission. I have followed a special degree in archaeology at Rajarata University after being accepted. When a man falls dead, it does not require a degree to say that his death is unjust. Frankly, it does not require any educational qualifications. It needs only humanity. We believe that we should talk about the problems of the country’s people. It doesn’t matter if they have a degree or not, or if they are white, black or short. The government propagates all these questions to insult us. We ask the government, how many people in the government have degrees?
How many people in the government have sat for the G.C.E. ordinary Level Exam? Has anyone been so keen about finding out how the Rajapaksa children received their degrees in unlawful manners? Therefore, only humanity is needed to stand up for the people of the country.
Q What if Ranil Wickremesinghe resorts to brute force to quell the Aragalaya like what happened on July 22nd?
Governments always sought repression when struggles broke out in a way that threatened their power. Sometimes court orders were used, and like in the recent incident, protestors were brutally attacked by the tri-forces. If Ranil Wickremesinghe tries it, we will answer his call. When they were inside the President’s House, building barriers and disregarding public opinion, the people broke through and took possession of these. The people took over the Prime Minister’s office and the Presidential Secretariat to answer the oppression by the government. So, if the Batalanda Ranil Wickremesinghe thinks that he can wield his authority to wipe out Galle Face, we are ready to face him.
Ranil Wickremesinghe, has begun his blood-thirsty game again while trying to put on a show as a democratic leader. Ranil Wickremesinghe can only wipe out the people near the presidential secretariat; he cannot wipe out the cries of the masses. IUSF looks forward to ousting the illegal President Ranil Wickremesinghe.
- Abolish Executive Presidency and go for General Elections
- System change can’t be done by tinkering with current Constitution
- SLPP’s false majority in Parliament is not the people’s sentiment
- Unwarranted use of force does not bode well for political stability
- Country needs a consensus government to move forward
- Going by current trend of governance, difficult to think of support
- But will support positive measures of new Govt. to ensure stability
By Asiri Fernando
Unwarranted use of force by President Ranil Wickremesinghe does not bode well for reaching the political stability needed to recover from the unprecedented economic crisis Sri Lanka is facing, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) Parliamentarian, President’s Counsel M.A. Sumanthiran told The Sunday Morning.
Sri Lanka needs a consensus government to move forward, not one stands on the ‘false majority’ of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the veteran politician stressed, adding that by using disproportionate force to evict protesters from the Presidential Secretariat during the early hours of Friday (22), after the occupiers had informed they would vacate the facility, was a clear indication that President Wickremesinghe was defying the will of the public.
Nevertheless, Sumanthiran stated that the TNA would support positive measures the new Government would take towards stability and reforms within the Parliament.
In an interview with The Sunday Morning, Sumanthiran stressed on the need for the Executive Presidency to be abolished expediently and the restoring of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution and called for General Elections to be held as soon as possible to obtain a new mandate from the people.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
What is your take on the latest developments on the political and economic front?
The stranglehold the SLPP has on the Parliament continues. That was demonstrated at the election of the President. That is a distortion of the popular sentiment.
I can say that confidently because it was the popular sentiment that forced the SLPP Prime Minister – Mahinda Rajapaksa – and his Cabinet to resign. It was also because of the same popular sentiment that SLPP President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to resign. That is why I always took the position that the SLPP’s false majority in Parliament should not be used if they are respectful of the sentiments of the people at this time. That was violated; they used their false majority to elect Ranil Wickremesinghe as the President.
The country is in turmoil, facing an unprecedented and severe economic crisis. What the country needs is political stability first, which can only be achieved by a consensual government in Parliament. The entire Opposition totals 65; in May itself, about 42 members left the Government and crossed over. Now, they supported a candidate who may have been a member of the SLPP, but was supported by the Opposition. Without asserting their single majority, the SLPP could have ensured that a consensual government was formed. However, they defied it and exercised their singular majority.
And as we knew it would, today political instability has worsened. A person who became a president solely due to the protests, not for any other reasons; a person who on 9 May defended the protesters publicly, saying that it was a violation of their fundamental rights and threatened to withdraw the conditional support he had given to the then Government over the issue, has now ordered this brutal attack in the early hours of today (Friday), after they [the protesters] had announced that they would give back the Presidential Secretariat at Galle Face.
Therefore, this action [assault of protesters at Galle Face in the early hours of 22 July by Police and armed forces] is not acceptable in the least. It demonstrates the wrong decisions the Parliament and the SLPP in particular have made. The SLPP is continuing to defy the wishes of the people and that is not good for a country that is looking to stabilise politically before it even can look at the economic issue.
Do you think that Ranil Wickremesinghe, through his policies, will be able to bring some form of stability to the country in the short- to mid-term?
Going by what happened, if this is how he shows he is going to govern, there is no chance at all that he can bring stability to the country. This action [forcibly evicting peaceful protesters on 22 July] was totally unwarranted because they were going to give the Secretariat back to the authorities.
If your candidate, Dullas Alahapperuma, had won the vote in the Parliament to become the president, what changes would you have carried out as a priority and what policies would you enact for stability and economic recovery? What was your plan?
Economic recovery was our primary concern. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) was also supporting Dullas Alahapperuma. The SJB has economic experts in its ranks and it would have got involved in a government under Dullas. With political stability, they would have taken the right measures to address the economic crisis. We [TNA] would have extended our support even from the Opposition for constructive endeavours to stabilise the economy.
The negotiations between Sri Lanka and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are ongoing; how important is it to conclude the negotiations by reaching an agreement with the IMF for assistance?
It has to be done urgently. But after a delegation visited Sri Lanka the IMF said there must be debt sustainability. That is a prerequisite. For that, debt restructuring negotiations ought to have happened first. However, that doesn’t seem to have even started. That is where the delay is.
Do you think that the changes the IMF has proposed will be counterproductive as the IMF has called for increased taxes while international organisations and local analysts have called for strengthening of the social safety net for vulnerable and low-income communities?
No; on raising taxes, the taxes must be direct ones. We can easily work that out. As long as you avoid raising indirect taxes, it won’t affect the poor. The poor don’t pay direct taxes, so that can be worked out.
There are economic experts in the country who have already come out with how this can be done, so I don’t think that will be an issue. Of course, everyone feels and will face the effects of the economic crisis.
Ranil Wickremesinghe invited all parties to form an all-party government. What role does the TNA plan to play in such a government? Would the TNA at least consider extending conditional support?
We will support all positive endeavours, whoever is in office. Even when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was in office, that was our stance. But that doesn’t mean that we need to take the Executive office to do that.
Going by the current trend, the immediate (22 July) trend of Wickremesinghe’s style of governance, I think it will be very difficult for us to even think of supporting this Government in that way. But the correct steps he takes will have our support.
How long do you think the new Government should hold office? How urgent is it to seek a new mandate from the public through General Elections?
I think it is very important to dissolve Parliament and call General Elections. That is essential in this context as everybody knows the parliamentary majority is a false majority. The Parliament doesn’t have the people’s mandate anymore. If people agree that Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa have lost the people’s mandate, it automatically goes to show that the SLPP mandate in the Parliament is also lost.
Parliament must be dissolved as early as possible and General Elections need to be held. The Provincial Council Elections which have been long delayed should also be held as early as possible.
Do you think that the proposed constitutional changes that the public have demanded should be given equal priority at this stage while the Government moves to bring about stability and economic reforms?
This economic restructuring will have the necessary structural changes in the Constitution as well, so when it is being done, it is important that this opportunity is made use of to overhaul it and a new constitution be brought in.
People are asking for a ‘system change’ and that can’t be done by tinkering with this failed Constitution. A new constitution is important and sometimes it is only at times like this that such is possible.
Do you think President Wickremesinghe should expedite revoking the Executive Presidency as the public has called for during the period in which this Government holds office?
Yes, of course. He has promised that. In his last address to the nation as Prime Minister he said that, so he can’t change that now that he has become the Executive President.
What do you think the new Government can do to address the trust deficit between the public and governance while bringing stability?
It must restore the 19th Amendment immediately and take steps to abolish the Executive Presidency in the earliest possible time frame.
The Aragalaya protest movement has called for ‘citizens’ committees’ to be held in parallel to the parliamentary structure on public policies, reforms, and governance. How does the TNA view this demand?
Direct participation by citizens in affairs of governance of the country is a most welcome feature. Having said that, what form it should take and whether it should take the form of what the Aragalaya is proposing needs discussion.
However, the idea of citizens participating in governance, giving their valuable suggestions, and being involved in the affairs of governance is very important in any democracy.
Daily Mirror Interview with GTF Suren Surendran – 27th Oct 2021.
- UK based group stands for negotiated solution
- Progressive signs emerging from government
- Global Tamil Forum is not against Sinhalese community
- India can do more on the Tamil issue
- GTF prepared to have talks with China
- Ban on Diaspora groups not justified
A recent speech made by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and a comment made later by Foreign Minister,
Professor G.L Peiris has put the Tamil Diaspora back in the spotlight.
The President had said that he is prepared to engage with the Diaspora on the reconciliation issue while the Foreign Minister said that the government will not engage with any banned group.
Daily Mirror spoke to Suren Surendiran, the spokesperson of the Global Tamil Forum, an influential Tamil Diaspora group based in London, which is banned in Sri Lanka, to seek his views on the Sri Lankan issue.
Excerpts of the interview:
“The Tamil Diaspora is a million people. A majority of them didn’t leave Sri Lanka to look for economic betterment or anything like that. A majority of them left because Sri Lanka wasn’t the place where people are treated equally”
Q The Sri Lankan Diaspora seems to be split. We see one group pushing for extreme measures to be taken on Sri Lanka. But we have others who are taking the middle part. What position is the Global Tamil Forum taking on the Sri Lankan issue?
The Global Tamil Forum, since its inception in 2010 has always propagated a negotiated political settlement in Sri Lanka. So, we have actively engaged politicians, civil society in Sri Lanka, externally, foreign governments, international organisations, forums, and all those engagements were to engage and negotiate a political solution for the Tamil grievances in Sri Lanka.
Q You have tried to engage with successive governments. But have those attempts actually been fruitful to some extent?
Well, disappointing, should I say, but nevertheless, only when you engage that people understand your perspective. Because there is a general perception that the Tamil Diaspora is against Sri Lanka, against everything that happens in Sri Lanka, which is untrue and only through engagement can you enlighten people and mutually understand each other’s position.
Q Does the GTF feel that Sri Lanka needs a separate Tamil administrative region similar to a separate Tamil state?
Like I said before, we do not want to prescribe a particular solution to the issues in Sri Lanka. We want to see a political solution that is negotiated between the parties concerned and the stakeholders involved to arrive at. So there is no pre-prescribed solution for the Sri Lankan problem as far as GTF is concerned.
Q The GTF was banned over its alleged links to the LTTE by the former government and then the current administration has banned the GTF once again after the ban was lifted, of course, post-2015. Do you feel that the ban is not justified?
Of course, it’s not. And the people who ban these organisations know it. They are just playing to the gallery to the Sinhala, Buddhist nationalists. They think by banning they are becoming tough. Even during proscription and during the previous government we have engaged during natural disasters to help Sri Lanka. So for example, when there was a flood in the South, in Kalutara, Matara areas, we sent 20 plus medical professionals to help with that grievance that the Sinhala people or the people of the South were facing. For example, recently, even during proscription, we were facilitating 2.3 million dollars worth of equipment for COVID relief from overseas. So the proscription is not justified and they know it.
“Because there is a general perception that the Tamil Diaspora is against Sri Lanka, against everything that happens in Sri Lanka, which is untrue and only through engagement can you enlighten people and mutually understand each other’s position”
Q But the proscription has been enforced mainly over allegations that the group has had links with the LTTE. Did your organisation promote the LTTE ideology at any point?
Like I said, the organisation was incepted after the end of the war at the UK parliament in February 2010, and we have always propagated non-violence and a negotiated political settlement to the problems in Sri Lanka.
Q What is your take on these organisations that are promoting the LTTE in the UK and in other countries? I mean, is this helpful to your cause and to the Tamil cause?
You need to ask them that, whoever that you are referring to. But I can tell you this. The LTTE didn’t take arms or the arms conflict didn’t arise just like that. 30 years of trying to negotiate with successive governments in the south, failed. The Tamils have negotiated and arrived at several pacts and agreements with successive governments of the South. The Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact. Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact. All of that was just thrown away by the Sri Lankan government of that time. So when there was no negotiated settlement and there was stern discrimination against the minorities, and there were demographic changes that will push through successive governments and standardisation which discriminated the Tamil youth of the North and the East, meant that people took arms. They didn’t know how to go about it because democratic processes were not resulting in a solution.
Q But can one condone the sort of actions committed by the LTTE? Killing of civilians, bombings, suicide bombings. Is that the way to look for a solution?
No, it isn’t. But all I was trying to say is when you say LTTE propaganda and that kind of thing. It sounds like an unjust cause was fought over. It was a just cause that the youth had to fight because the democratic processes were not resulting in a solution. I am not justifying the killings.
Q But didn’t the push for a solution get sidelined as a result of the actions of the LTTE.
Of course. That is why the GTF since 2010 has propagated a negotiated political settlement, a non-violent process where conflicting parties can negotiate and come up and come to an agreement that is acceptable to all people of Sri Lanka.
“The Tamils have negotiated and arrived at several pacts and agreements with successive governments of the South. The Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact. Dudley Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact. All of that was just thrown away by the Sri Lankan government of that time”
Q What sort of solution are you looking for? What sort of solution is Tamil Diaspora organisations like yours looking for in Sri Lanka?
It will be presumptuous for me to pre-empt a solution that I am propagating or we are propagating as a negotiated political settlement. If you take a position in advance of a negotiation, then why negotiate. You stand up and defend your position. Whereas we are saying, let’s have an open mind and negotiate for a political solution that can be acceptable to all of the people of Sri Lanka. Or a majority of the people of Sri Lanka.
Q President Rajapaksa had spoken of the need to get the Diaspora engaged, during his recent trip to the UN. However, Foreign Minister Professor G.L Peiris later, in an interview with the Daily Mirror, said that they will not negotiate with banned organisations, giving the impression that that was no move at the moment to lift the ban on the GTF. How do you see this?
Well, I presume the President and the Foreign Minister should have a conversation.
Q You feel without lifting the ban there is no room for groups like the GTF to engage and do something for Sri Lanka?
So, like I said during proscription we have tried to facilitate over two million dollars worth of equipment for the COVID relief fund. We didn’t say that is only for the Tamil people. We said that is for the entire Sri Lanka. So the proscription or no proscription, we are just engaging the people of Sri Lanka anyway. When President Rajapaksa announced at the UN that he wants to talk to the Diaspora, our take was there are elected Tamil representatives in Sri Lanka, Tamil representatives elected through democratic processes. And when they are requesting for meetings with the President to negotiate a political solution when he doesn’t want to meet them it just didn’t make sense that he wanted to talk to external forces or external stakeholders like the Diaspora. I’m not saying that’s not a bad idea. It certainly is a progressive idea, and we welcome it. But he should first start talking to the people in Sri Lanka who are elected by the people in Sri Lanka.
Q In fact, the Foreign Minister, in his interview with the Daily Mirror had said that the president will speak to the Tamil National Alliance on his return from COP26.
I think the Foreign Minister should first have a conversation with the President before he comes out in public to air his views.
“We want to see a political solution that is negotiated between the parties concerned and the stakeholders involved to arrive at. So there is no pre-prescribed solution for the Sri Lankan problem as far as GTF is concerned”
Q What sort of role do you feel the Diaspora should play on the Sri Lankan issue?
The Tamil Diaspora is a million people. A majority of them didn’t leave Sri Lanka to look for economic betterment or anything like that. A majority of them left because Sri Lanka wasn’t the place where people are treated equally. And, you know, we were beaten. For example, my family left Sri Lanka because in Wellawatte we were attacked in 1983. So that is primary. People should understand why the Diaspora became a Diaspora outside Sri Lanka. Number two, by coming out of the country and living in foreign countries under democracy, freedom of speech, that kind of rule of law, having a free speech as you could imagine and also educating ourselves and becoming relatively wealthy. There is a whole series of things in capacity capability terms that the Tamil Diaspora, all the Diaspora, the Sri Lankan Diaspora can offer to Sri Lanka and to bring it up. The other thing is. We left Sri Lanka because we couldn’t live there or we felt unsafe to live there. Therefore, we feel that we still are stakeholders in matters that concern our people who are left behind in Sri Lanka. We did a little calculation about this proscription and what impact that is having on the Sri Lankan economy. We worked out roughly as a minimum USD 250 million to USD 300 million of income in foreign exchange that Sri Lanka could have had is being deprived because of this proscription. Right now, I think the forex reserve is about two and a half to three billion US dollars. That’s all Sri Lanka has. A 10 per cent of that could have come from the Diaspora. So that is the deprivation for the people that this kind of proscription and these postures that the government makes has a negative impact on the people of Sri Lanka and the economy. So there is a lot to offer from the Diaspora, particularly the Tamil Diaspora.
Q Do you feel that the ground situation right now in Sri Lanka has changed over the last couple of years? Be it for the good or bad?
Certainly, for the bad. You just have to listen to the United Nations Human Rights Commissioner’s report, which she read out in February this year. And then she updated verbally during the session in September. The rule of law, democracy, freedom of speech, civil society activities. All of that is in the wrong direction, on the trajectory. People who commit crimes, murder been pardoned. People who committed crimes or making people disappear, all of the cases have been withdrawn. People who robbed the public purse are being pardoned or the cases have been dropped. What kind of faith will anybody, in Sri Lanka or outside, have about the justice system in Sri Lanka, about rule of law in Sri Lanka? So things are going from bad to worse is my take. And as you can see, the economy is performing so badly that we are borrowing money from Bangladesh. I mean, no disrespect to Bangladesh, but the situation has come to that level of a grievance in terms of the economy.
Q The GTF is very influential in the UK. What message is the GTF actually taking to the UK government?
GTF is a global organisation, so it’s not just the UK. We engage multiple governments and multiple international organisations and forums and institutions. Our message has been consistent, and we have been highlighting the need for a long term political solution for the Tamil grievances. Number one. Number two, the crimes that were committed, the international laws that were breached during the war need to be investigated internationally, and justice should be served to those people who suffered. So we have been consistent in our message.
Q Do you really think that the UK, Canada or any other country that is putting pressure on Sri Lanka is really concerned about Sri Lanka? Or is it just because of votes and elections in mind?
You see, just to give you an example, the Sri Lankan economy is dependent on exports, largely exports and tourism. Who are the tourists and who are we? Who are we exporting our goods and services to from Sri Lanka? The largest export partner is the US. The second is the European Union. I think the third is the UK, India, various countries. If they really want to be smart and if they are only worried about electoral gains, all they have to do is to stop the trade or restrict the trade with Sri Lanka. That will have a major impact on Sri Lankans and the Sri Lankan economy. They’re not doing that. All they are asking is to have a system of governance that is acceptable internationally. You know, Sri Lanka is probably the worst place for journalists, for civil society, for rule of law, democracy. All of that is having an impact on the way the country is being governed right now. And somebody needs to highlight that and put pressure to bring them in line with international norms and governance.
“We left Sri Lanka because we couldn’t live there or we felt unsafe to live there. Therefore, we feel that we still are stakeholders in matters that concern our people who are left behind in Sri Lanka”
Q You mentioned India is the GTF disappointed in any way with the role played by India on the Sri Lankan issue?
So as a member of the victim community, obviously, until a solution is achieved, the feeling will be its not sufficient. But however, the Indian pressure has been consistent and they have made it very clear that a solution for the Tamil problem and sovereignty go hand in hand. How much more can a large neighbour next door to you put pressure? In an international forum when they stand up and say solidarity and a solution to the Tamil people go hand in hand. I think that’s good enough pressure, but for now, they can do a lot more.
Q But you know, there have been reports in India that the Indian intelligence agencies are very much concerned that Diaspora groups may look at engaging with China since India is not doing enough. Have you heard anything of that sort? Is the GTF approaching China?
I don’t know about other groups. But I can tell you this. GTF is an independent organisation. We engage the international community, international government institutions and forums. That’s our job. That’s our objective. We feel free to engage whichever government, whichever institution, whichever forum that can help to resolve the problem in Sri Lanka. So, if China is interested in having a conversation and helping us, we will be delighted to speak to the Chinese. But that doesn’t mean that we are going against any other country.
Q In your push for a solution for the Tamil issue, is there an impression being given that groups like the GTF are anti-Sinhalese? Are you against the Sinhalese community while trying to push for a solution for the Tamils?
Not at all. Not at all. I mean, like I said to you when there was a flood in the South in Matara and Kalutara, I presume 90 per cent are Sinhalese people, and the engagement we had in association with Sarvodaya, we did medical clinics in those areas during the floods, was almost exclusively to Sinhala people by medical professionals who are exclusively Tamil people. The facilitation of medical equipment during COVID of over $2 million worth, wasn’t given to or facilitated to Sri Lanka to be given to only Tamil people or not be given to the Sinhala people. Obviously, the majority affected were the Sinhala people. So there is no genetic form in the Global Tamil Forum that is against any community in Sri Lanka.
Q Can the GTF have any realistic expectations as far as the whole Tamil issue is concerned, considering that even the former government, although it made attempts in the end, there was no final solution?
Well, the president has said he wants to engage. According to the Foreign Minister he wants to engage with the Tamil National Alliance when he comes back from COP26, which is good. At the UN, the president himself said he wants to engage with the Diaspora, which is also good. So there are good signs right now from the government. Not just signs, but progressive signs. So let’s wait and see, rather than prejudging what can and what cannot
happen. Well, regarding the previous government, it’s not just Mangala. I personally met the then President Maithripala Sirisena three times, twice in London and once in Germany. There was an attempt to make the Constitution better or revise the Constitution, and they did come up with a draft constitution. So one can’t say that there was no progress. It just didn’t materialise. But there were efforts and an intention to make things better. So granting that there was progress during the last government and now this government is making the right noises, it appears we should let them do the right thing and judge them rather than prejudging the facts.